Elections in India: The Road to Electoral Reforms and Fair Play

India’s democracy is the largest in the world – and elections are its heartbeat. Every five years, hundreds of millions of voters exercise their right to choose representatives at local, state, and national levels. But behind this massive exercise lies a complex system shaped by constitutional provisions, institutional safeguards, and ongoing reform efforts. From the foundational principle of universal adult franchise to the persistent challenges of money power and paid news, Indian elections are a constantly evolving story of ambition, imperfection, and correction.

Universal adult franchise: the bedrock of Indian democracy 🔗

When India gained independence in 1947, its leaders made a bold decision – one that many thought would fail. They chose to grant every adult citizen the right to vote, regardless of caste, religion, gender, wealth, or education. This was universal adult franchise, and it was nothing short of revolutionary. During the colonial period, only about 13% of Indian citizens had the right to vote. The new Constitution changed that completely.

Article 326 of the Indian Constitution guarantees elections to the Lok Sabha and State Legislative Assemblies on the basis of adult suffrage. Every citizen aged 18 and above (the age was lowered from 21 by the 61st Constitutional Amendment Act of 1988) can vote without discrimination. Article 325 further prohibits exclusion from electoral rolls on grounds of religion, race, caste, or sex.

The adoption of universal adult suffrage at the very inception of the republic set India apart from countries like the United States and the United Kingdom, where voting rights were extended gradually over centuries through multiple amendments and reform movements. India’s first general election in 1951-52 involved approximately 173 million voters – a staggering exercise that the first Chief Election Commissioner called a “massive act of faith.”

The Election Commission of India: guardian of free and fair elections 🔗

The Election Commission of India (ECI) is the constitutional body entrusted with supervising, directing, and controlling the entire electoral process. Established on 25 January 1950 under Article 324 of the Constitution, it is an autonomous body responsible for administering elections to the Lok Sabha, Rajya Sabha, State Legislative Assemblies, and the offices of the President and Vice President.

Structure and functioning 🔗

The ECI is headed by the Chief Election Commissioner (CEC) and can include other Election Commissioners as appointed by the President. Its core responsibilities include fixing election schedules, enforcing the Model Code of Conduct (MCC), registering political parties, managing voter lists, and overseeing the polling process. To ensure voter inclusion, the Commission runs awareness programs like SVEEP (Systematic Voters’ Education and Electoral Participation) and has introduced accessibility measures for senior citizens and persons with disabilities.

Key tools and technologies 🔗

Over the decades, the ECI has modernised the electoral process significantly. Electronic Voting Machines (EVMs) were first used partially in 1998 and became standard across the country by the early 2000s. To increase transparency, the Voter Verifiable Paper Audit Trail (VVPAT) system was introduced, giving voters a printed slip confirming their choice. Elector Photo Identity Cards (EPIC) were rolled out to prevent impersonation and bogus voting, and the voter registration process has moved online since 2013.

How elections work in India 🔗

India follows the First-Past-the-Post (FPTP) system for Lok Sabha and State Assembly elections. The country is divided into 543 Lok Sabha constituencies, each electing one Member of Parliament. The candidate who secures the highest number of votes in a constituency wins – even without a majority.

Elections are either direct (Lok Sabha, State Assemblies, local bodies) or indirect (Rajya Sabha, President, Vice President). Rajya Sabha members, for instance, are elected by the elected members of State Legislative Assemblies through a single transferable vote system. The boundaries of constituencies are redrawn periodically by the Delimitation Commission to ensure fair representation based on population changes.

The election process step by step 🔗

Once the ECI announces the election schedule, the Model Code of Conduct kicks in, restricting the ruling government from announcing new policies or schemes that could influence voters. Candidates file nominations, and their criminal records, assets, liabilities, and educational qualifications are publicly disclosed – a requirement introduced in 2003. On polling day, voters present their ID, get their finger inked, and cast their vote using the EVM. A NOTA (None of the Above) option, added in 2013, allows voters to reject all candidates, though the candidate with the most valid votes still wins.

Electoral reforms: a continuous journey 🔗

India’s electoral system has not remained static. Over the past seven decades, numerous reforms have been introduced – some through legislation, others through Supreme Court rulings, and many on the ECI’s own initiative. The goal has always been the same: making elections cleaner, more transparent, and more representative.

Important reform committees 🔗

Several committees have shaped the reform agenda. The Dinesh Goswami Committee (1990) recommended changes that were implemented in 1996. The Vohra Committee (1993) investigated the nexus between crime and politics. The Indrajit Gupta Committee (1998) examined the idea of state funding for elections. The Law Commission’s 255th Report (2015) proposed comprehensive reforms to improve the election process. More recently, a High-Level Committee led by former President Ram Nath Kovind examined the feasibility of simultaneous elections for Lok Sabha and State Assemblies.

The Ministry of Law and Justice’s Background Paper on Electoral Reforms (2010) identified key problem areas including the criminalisation of politics, financing of elections, regulation of political parties, and adjudication of election disputes.

Key reforms over the years 🔗

Some landmark changes include the lowering of the voting age from 21 to 18 (1988), the introduction of EVMs and later VVPATs, mandatory disclosure of criminal antecedents by candidates (2003), restrictions on contesting from more than two constituencies, and the reduction of the campaign period from 20 to 14 days. In 2010, NRIs were granted the right to vote in their home constituencies. The NOTA option was introduced following a Supreme Court directive in 2013. And convicted legislators now lose their seats immediately – the Supreme Court struck down the earlier provision that allowed them a three-month grace period.

The challenge of election funding 🔗

Money is perhaps the most persistent challenge in Indian elections. Official spending limits exist – candidates contesting Lok Sabha seats in larger states can spend up to ₹95 lakh – but actual expenditure far exceeds these caps. A study by the Centre for Media Studies estimated that ₹30,000 crore was spent during the 2014 general elections by the government, political parties, and candidates combined.

The Electoral Bonds Scheme, introduced in 2018, was designed to bring transparency to political funding by allowing anonymous bank instruments for donations to parties. However, the scheme drew sharp criticism from civil society organisations like the Association for Democratic Reforms (ADR), which argued that the donor anonymity actually undermined transparency. The Election Commission itself expressed opposition to electoral bonds, calling the scheme a retrograde step in its submissions to the Supreme Court. In February 2024, the Supreme Court struck down the Electoral Bond Scheme as unconstitutional, directing the State Bank of India to disclose all bond transaction details.

Criminalisation of politics 🔗

Another major concern is the growing presence of candidates with criminal backgrounds. According to ADR’s analysis of the 2024 Lok Sabha results, around 46% of elected MPs faced criminal charges, with a significant number facing serious offences. Despite Supreme Court directives mandating disclosure and multiple committee recommendations, meaningful progress on barring such candidates has been slow. The ECI has advocated for a lifetime ban on convicted individuals contesting elections, framing it as essential for the decriminalisation of politics.

Paid news: when journalism becomes advertising 🔗

One of the most insidious challenges to fair elections in India is the phenomenon of paid news. The Press Council of India (PCI) defines paid news as any news or analysis appearing in print or electronic media for consideration in cash or kind. In practice, this means political candidates or parties pay media houses to run favourable stories disguised as genuine journalism.

The problem is not new. The ECI has identified hundreds of such cases across elections. A Parliamentary Standing Committee on Information Technology found that the corporatisation of media, the merging of ownership and editorial roles, declining journalist autonomy, and poor wages for reporters were key reasons behind the rise of paid news. The Committee described self-regulatory bodies like the News Broadcasting Standards Authority as ineffective and called for either a unified regulatory body for all media or strengthened statutory regulators with real punitive power.

The digital dimension 🔗

In recent years, the paid news problem has expanded into the digital space. Political parties increasingly engage social media influencers on platforms like YouTube and Instagram to create content that appears organic but is actually paid promotion. Human Rights Watch has noted that the 2019 Voluntary Code of Ethics between the ECI and social media platforms lacked a clear definition of political advertising and had no independent monitoring mechanism. The rise of generative AI tools has added another layer of complexity, with manipulated content becoming easier and cheaper to produce.

The ECI has responded by requiring political advertising expenditure on social media to be included in candidates’ official spending accounts. However, enforcement remains a major challenge, especially when the line between a personal opinion and paid endorsement is blurry.

Recent and proposed reforms 🔗

The push for reform continues on multiple fronts. The Standing Committee on Personnel, Public Grievances, Law and Justice (2023) examined issues including a Common Electoral Roll to reduce duplication across elections at different levels, verification of candidate affidavits, and reducing the minimum age for contesting State Assembly elections. The Committee noted that in countries like the UK, Canada, and Australia, 18-year-olds can contest national elections and suggested India explore a similar approach.

Other proposals under discussion include linking Aadhaar with voter IDs to eliminate duplicate registrations (while ensuring the process remains voluntary), introducing totaliser machines to aggregate votes from multiple booths before revealing results, and making paid news an explicit electoral offence under the Representation of the People Act, 1951. The concept of state funding of elections – recommended by the Indrajit Gupta Committee – remains on the table but has yet to see implementation.

Why electoral reforms matter for journalism 🔗

For journalism students and media professionals, understanding electoral reforms is not just an academic exercise – it is directly relevant to professional practice. The intersection of elections and media raises critical questions about editorial independence, the ethics of paid content, the responsibility of newsrooms during campaign season, and the role of reporters in holding both politicians and media owners accountable. The paid news problem is ultimately a journalism ethics problem, and addressing it requires awareness, institutional safeguards, and a commitment to separating news from advertising.

Election reporting in India operates within a framework shaped by the Model Code of Conduct, ECI guidelines on media coverage, and evolving rules around digital and social media campaigning. Reporters covering elections must navigate spending limits, track candidate disclosures, scrutinise party manifestos, and fact-check claims – all while maintaining fairness and balance. The health of Indian democracy depends, in no small part, on the quality and integrity of this coverage.

What do you think? With elections becoming increasingly expensive and digitally driven, can regulatory reforms alone ensure a level playing field – or does the solution also require a fundamental shift in how media organisations approach political coverage?

References

1. https://prepp.in/news/e-492-universal-adult-franchise-indian-polity-notes
2. https://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1007/978-3-031-69864-4_11
3. https://eci.gov.in/files/file/9236-proposed-election-reforms/
4. https://cdnbbsr.s3waas.gov.in/s3ca0daec69b5adc880fb464895726dbdf/uploads/2022/08/2022081635.pdf
5. https://lawmin.gov.in/sites/default/files/bgp_0.doc
6. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Electoral_reform_in_India
7. https://www.drishtiias.com/to-the-points/Paper2/electoral-reforms-in-india-3
8. https://prsindia.org/policy/report-summaries/issues-related-to-paid-news
9. https://prsindia.org/theprsblog/paid-news-spotlight
10. https://www.hrw.org/news/2024/04/08/indias-general-elections-technology-and-human-rights-questions-and-answers
11. https://prsindia.org/policy/report-summaries/specific-aspects-of-election-process-and-their-reform