Music videos are far more than entertainment – they are cultural texts that shape how we understand gender, race, and sexuality. Every casting choice, camera angle, and lyric carries a message, often reinforcing the very inequalities we accept as normal. In India, where the music video industry is dominated by Bollywood productions and their associated “item songs,” these patterns are especially visible and worth examining critically. Who gets to be seen, and how? Who is centred, and who is pushed to the margins?
Table of Contents
- Gender stereotypes and the male gaze
- Item songs and the de-individualization of women
- Race, colorism, and colonial beauty standards
- The numbers and the feedback loop
- When lyrics reinforce hierarchy: the Aaja Nachle controversy
- The limited representation of sexuality
- Tokenism and the heteronormative default
- Why representation in music videos matters
Gender stereotypes and the male gaze
To understand how women are represented in music videos, we need to start with a foundational idea in media theory. In 1975, British feminist film theorist Laura Mulvey published her landmark essay Visual Pleasure and Narrative Cinema, in which she introduced the concept of the male gaze. Mulvey argued that mainstream visual media is structured around a masculine point of view, positioning women as passive objects of desire rather than active subjects with their own narratives.
At its core, the male gaze refers to how cinematic techniques frequently align the audience with a masculine viewing position, making the female body something to be watched, admired, or desired. Mulvey famously described this condition as “to-be-looked-at-ness” – women are designed for display, while men are the ones who do the looking. She argued that women function as bearers of meaning in film, not makers of it.
This framework translates with striking clarity to music videos. Music videos often emphasize the sexualized presentation of female performers, placing visual attention on bodies and appearance rather than artistic expression. Scholar Sut Jhally, in his documentary series Dreamworlds, extended Mulvey’s argument specifically to the music video format, contending that the fragmented, disembodied representation of the female body in music videos produces an even more intense version of the male gaze than cinema.
Item songs and the de-individualization of women
In the Indian context, this dynamic is most explicit in the item song – a song-and-dance sequence interpolated into a film or released as a standalone video, typically featuring a female performer dancing provocatively for the pleasure of male characters and the audience simultaneously. The camera lingers on body parts, costumes are deliberately minimal, and the narrative role of the woman is almost always decorative.
In many such videos, women appear not as individuals with names, stories, or agency, but as a collective backdrop to a male star’s image. The use of fragmentation and disembodied representation of the female body on camera provides an intensified form of the male gaze. Close-up shots of midriffs, slow-motion sequences, and camera movements that travel up or down a woman’s body are deliberate cinematic choices – and they are pervasive in mainstream Indian music production.
Mulvey’s theory has also been critiqued and expanded. In 1992, theorist bell hooks coined the term “oppositional gaze” to offer a counterpoint to Mulvey’s framework, one that took into account racial power dynamics. Scholars like Angela McRobbie and Judith Butler further argued that women are not always passive – some use self-representation to reclaim control. Contemporary artists like Beyoncé have been discussed in this light, blurring the line between the male gaze and female self-expression. But in mainstream Indian music videos, such agency remains the exception, not the rule.
Race, colorism, and colonial beauty standards
Representation in Indian music videos is not just a gender issue – it is also deeply racialized. A defining characteristic of Bollywood casting, including in music videos, is the overwhelming preference for fair-skinned performers, a bias that has roots in India’s colonial history and continues to shape who is considered beautiful and bankable today.
Colonial rule under the British intensified the association of fair skin with power and desirability. European colonizers with light skin positioned themselves as superior and granted privileges to lighter-skinned Indians, reinforcing existing hierarchies while portraying darker skin as inferior. This created a lasting social equation: fairness signaled refinement and status, while darker skin was tied to labor, lower caste, and perceived inferiority.
Bollywood absorbed and amplified these values. Throughout Bollywood’s history, actresses have been disproportionately lighter than the population they represent. As the industry began seeking global recognition, it increasingly cast women from Europe, the Americas, or of mixed South Asian descent – women whose features conform to a Eurocentric beauty ideal – in prominent roles in films and music videos alike. The beauty ideals presented through Bollywood are a blatant representation of westernized standards and colorism.
The numbers and the feedback loop
This preference is not merely anecdotal. Studies show that 77% of men in India identified light skin as a component of attractiveness. The beauty industry has profited enormously from this anxiety: products like Fair & Lovely (now rebranded as Glow & Lovely following public pressure) became household staples by positioning fairness as a prerequisite for social success, marriage, and employment. Indian media – its advertisements, TV shows and movies – consistently emphasize lighter women and men, labeling them as the mark of beauty, and this implicit bias has been internalized by Indian society for decades.
What emerges is a self-reinforcing cycle. Bollywood music videos cast fair-skinned performers, which shapes audience perception of beauty, which in turn pressures the industry to keep casting fair-skinned performers. Darker-skinned actors and performers, who reflect the actual diversity of South Asia’s population, remain sidelined – appearing, if at all, in secondary roles or as comedic characters. Colorism runs deep in Indian film industries, affecting casting choices and creating asymmetric depictions of different skin tones on-screen.
When lyrics reinforce hierarchy: the Aaja Nachle controversy
Misrepresentation in Indian music does not stop at visuals – it extends to language. A powerful example is the 2007 controversy surrounding the title track of the Bollywood film Aaja Nachle, starring Madhuri Dixit. The film faced controversy over a lyric perceived as casteist: “Mohalle mein kaisi maara-maari hai, bole mochi bhi khud ko sunar hai” – loosely translated as “There is such chaos in the neighborhood, even the cobbler calls himself a goldsmith.” Dalit organizations argued that the line implied the Mochi (cobbler) community, a historically marginalized Dalit caste, was inferior to goldsmiths. The controversy prompted bans in Uttar Pradesh, Punjab, and Haryana.
Dalit leaders pointed out that according to the Constitution, a person cannot be referred to in terms of their caste, and that using the word “mochi” in this context was both derogatory and unconstitutional. The producers of the film issued a public apology and removed the offending line from all prints, with producer Yash Chopra stating it was not their intention to hurt the feelings of any community. The episode was a stark reminder that representation failures in music are not limited to the screen – they can be embedded in language itself, and when they are, real communities bear the consequences.
The limited representation of sexuality
Beyond gender and race, Indian music videos also have a significant blind spot when it comes to sexuality. The vast majority of mainstream Bollywood music videos depict exclusively heterosexual romance – the hero pursuing the heroine, the couple in a scenic location, the courtship ritual played out in song. Non-heterosexual identities are almost entirely absent.
This absence is particularly notable given the legal shift of 2018. On September 6, 2018, India’s Supreme Court unanimously struck down Section 377 of the Indian Penal Code – a colonial-era law enacted in 1861 that had criminalized consensual same-sex relationships for over 150 years. Chief Justice Dipak Misra declared that the LGBTQ+ community possesses the same fundamental rights as all citizens. It was a watershed legal moment. But legal recognition has not translated into cultural visibility, especially in popular music.
Tokenism and the heteronormative default
What limited queer visibility exists in Indian popular media tends to cluster around female homoeroticism in music video aesthetics – suggestive choreography or physical proximity between female background dancers – without ever acknowledging or naming a lesbian relationship. Gay male identity, in particular, remains largely absent from mainstream music content, and LGBTQ+ representation in popular media remains something the community is still waiting to celebrate.
Representation in Indian media remains uneven, with a concentration on urban, upper-class, cisgender male gay narratives, while lesbian and transgender identities are especially underrepresented with few nuanced portrayals available in popular culture. Where queer characters do appear in Bollywood films, they have historically been used for comic relief – feminized, stereotyped, and reduced to jokes rather than given meaningful narrative space.
There are signs of change in adjacent media. OTT platforms like Netflix and Prime Video have produced series such as Made in Heaven and Four More Shots Please! that engage more thoughtfully with queer lives. But the music video – a format that reaches mass audiences across all age groups and regions – has largely remained a heteronormative space. The gap between what the law now permits and what the mainstream music industry actually depicts remains wide.
Why representation in music videos matters
Music videos are not just entertainment products – they are among the most widely consumed visual media in India, watched by hundreds of millions of people across social classes, languages, and generations. The images they circulate – of who is beautiful, who is desirable, whose relationships are valid – shape social norms in real and measurable ways. Contemporary research in media and psychology suggests that repeated exposure to objectifying images can contribute to self-objectification, body dissatisfaction, and reduced self-esteem among audiences. This is not abstract theory – it is documented harm.
When every leading performer in a music video is fair-skinned, it tells darker-skinned viewers that they do not belong in the frame of beauty. When every romantic narrative involves a man and a woman, it tells LGBTQ+ viewers that their relationships are invisible. When women appear as background objects rather than protagonists, it tells female viewers – and male viewers – what to expect from each other. Media representation is never neutral. It always encodes a value system, and in Indian music videos, that value system has historically favored a narrow, colonial-inflected, heteronormative ideal.
Changing this requires more than individual good intentions – it requires structural shifts in who directs, produces, and finances music videos, and what stories they choose to tell. The demand for more equitable representation is not simply a matter of political correctness; it is a demand for accuracy, for the diversity of Indian lives to finally appear on screen.
What do you think? Does the persistence of the male gaze and colorism in Indian music videos reflect broader social values, or do music videos actively create and reinforce those values? And now that Section 377 has been decriminalized, what responsibility do mainstream Bollywood music video producers have in representing LGBTQ+ relationships authentically?
References
- https://theconversation.com/half-a-century-of-the-male-gaze-why-laura-mulveys-pioneering-theory-still-resonates-today-256875
- https://jmcstudyhub.com/male-gaze-theory-laura-mulvey-media-representation/
- https://cedar.wwu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1646&context=wwuet
- https://news-nest.com/2026/03/16/the-obsession-with-fair-skin-in-india-a-persistent-legacy-of-colorism/
- https://medium.com/decoloniality-past-present-and-future/reclaiming-indian-beauty-4dc621501011
- https://www.thejugaadproject.pub/home/colorism-bollywood
- https://www.michigandaily.com/michigan-in-color/colonial-indoctrination-and-colorism-india/
- https://openscholarship.wustl.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1011&context=mcleod
- https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aaja_Nachle
- https://m.rediff.com/news/report/aaja3/20071201.htm
- https://www.dnaindia.com/india/report-controversial-lyrics-in-aaja-nachle-song-removed-1136580
- https://time.com/5388231/india-decriminalizes-homosexuality-section-377/
- https://www.vice.com/en/article/an-indian-pop-culture-progress-report-one-year-after-the-section-377-gay-queer-decriminalisation-verdict/
- https://www.researchgate.net/publication/393710940_FROM_CLOSET_TO_STREAM_THE_POLITICS_OF_QUEER_REPRESENTATION_IN_POST-SECTION_377_INDIAN_WEB_SERIES
- https://dubeat.com/2020/05/05/the-misguided-portrayal-of-the-lgbtqia-community-in-bollywood/
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